The Italian Pentecostal Movement has had a profound impact worldwide, with the International Fellowship of Christian Assemblies serving as its primary exponent in the English-speaking world. Related movements flourish in Argentina, Italy, Brazil, and over 80 other countries. The archives also house materials pertaining to co-sister Scandinavian-related movements, such as the Assembleias de Deus.

The Itamar Coutinho Archives boast a rich collection, including original documents and copies, letters from pioneers, historical sources, and secondary literature. Researchers and enthusiasts will also find a diverse collection of Bibles in various languages and one of Brazil’s largest publicly available hymnbook collections. The archives are open for visitation and research by contacting the host institution, Instituto Meditafé.

Itamar Coutinho, a long-time enthusiast of this history and a leading minister at the Brazilian Christian Assemblies, has been instrumental in the creation of this archive. He is also a published author, with biographies on influential figures Louis Francescon and Rosina Balzano Francescon. Furthermore, Coutinho was responsible for the Brazilian edition for the classic textbook history of the Italian-American Pentecostal movement, Our Heritage (Nossa Herança, in Portuguese), by Louis de Caro.

This project is a partnership with Círculo de Cultura Bíblica, another initiative focused on disseminating the theology and history of the worldwide Pentecostal movement, which has roots in the Chicago revival of 1907. The archives aim to serve both the worldwide church and academic scholars.

Volunteers at the Instituto Meditafé, a church-supporting ministry in Londrina, are working to catalogue the entire archives.

The opening ceremony featured notable speakers, including Pastor Juliano Francisco, minister of Instituto Meditafé, and Isael Araújo, a historian from the Assemblies of God in Brazil and the organizer of another leading archive in the country, the Centro de Estudos do Movimento Pentecostal (CEMP) in Rio de Janeiro.

The Itamar Coutinho Archives are located at Instituto Meditafé, AvenidaMario José Romagnolli, 735 Jarddim São Paulo, Londrina, PR, Brazil. For more information, please visit https://meditafe.org.br/.

Beyond Belief It is a, fascinating, extensively researched, encouraging, insightful (but sometimes exasperating) description of the expansion of the worldwide Pentecostal/charismatic churches. For the American Spirit-filled believer, it is also an important source for understanding of the various ways Pentecostal/charismatics are “doing church” throughout the world.

The author, Ms. Elle Hardy, is not an academician, but a master reporter with a proven track record. For Beyond Belief she traveled to 12 countries where Pentecostalism is prominent as well as many parts of the United States. Her methodology involves an immersion into the worship and life of the various and very different Pentecostal/charismatic churches she investigates. She also seems to have an ability to contact and win the confidence of the leaders she interviews. Yet she keeps a certain critical distance from the topic by the fact she is not a born-again believer – despite the many attempts by her Pentecostal friends and contacts to make her so. Hardy’s descriptions of the various forms of Spirit-filled congregations are an encouragement that the Holy Spirit revival begun at Azusa Street has not been stymied despite local scandals and setbacks – which Hardy often details.

Beyond Belief is divided into two parts. Part 1 is entitled “The Good News: The Unstoppable Rise of Pentecostalism.” The title gives the book’s central thesis, Spirit-filled Churches are growing and will be the future of the Church at large. Part 2 is called “Spiritual Warfare: The battle to build heaven on earth.” This Part explores the author’s fear that Spirit-filled churches will attempt to establish forms of theocratic rule over the Earth.

As a historian, I found chapter one, which deals with the origins of Pentecostalism, especially interesting in its interpretation. Hardy gives special credit to Aimee Semple McPherson as the person who brought Pentecostalism to wide public attention, if not acceptance. She understands McPhearson as a proto-charismatic and proto-Televangelist through her pioneering use of radio evangelism and relief work for the poor.

Chapter 4, entitled “The Father, the Sons, and the Holy Mess,” deals with the Pentecostal movement in Brazil which is overtaking Catholicism as the majority religion in that country. Brazil now has a bevy of megachurches with Pentecostal pastors who mostly preach an exaggerated “prosperity Gospel” and live lavishly. The author makes much of this seeming contradiction, unaware that there can be moderate and biblical expressions of prosperity teaching, such as was developed by Puritan theologians in the 18^th Century.[1] Significantly, Hardy also admits that the prosperity Gospel motivates the poor to be honest and work hard and ultimately helps elevate them out of poverty. Also, Pentecostalism has become a major factor in the lives of Brazil’s lower classes, as opposed to the Catholic Church which was predominantly a middle- and upper-class church with “outreach” to the poor, not centered on their transformation out of poverty. She summarizes, “…research has found that people who come from poverty or cycles of violence and addiction have more chances of escaping that world if they joined an evangelical [Pentecostal] church …” (p. 90).

Chapter 5, “The Bigger the Prophecy the Bigger the Pocket,” covers how strong Pentecostalism has become in sub-Saharan Africa. Like the churches in Brazil, there are many “prosperity Gospel” megachurches in Africa for the same reasons—they help the poor come out of poverty. But to a greater degree than Brazil’s Pentecostal churches, the ones in Africa can manifest dangerous levels of syncretism, that is, incorporating animist and pagan elements of belief and practice into their churches. For instance, the role of the “prophet” is highly esteemed in Africa and this office is often blended with unscriptural elements, such as ongoing communications with dead ancestors. All of this raises interesting questions on how far the Gospel can accommodate to culture, before it becomes “another Gospel” (see Gal 1:6).

Chapter 6 entitled, “Did you Know About the Good Samaritan,” is about Pentecostalism in the UK. This is an inspiring account of how the Gypsies (Roma people) in the UK and Europe have been rapidly and successfully evangelized into Pentecostal churches. The Gypsies have been transformed into hardworking and stable populations and are now often accepted members of European communities where they were formally despised and rarely evangelized.

Part 2 of the book develops Hardy’s view of spiritual warfare. Unlike most readers of The Pneuma Review, her concern and focus is not on the theology or practice of battling the “principalities and powers.” Rather she is focused on the trend that the theology of spiritual warfare, especially the concept of “occupying” the seven mountains of human culture, education, government, medicine, entertainment, etc. is an attempt to usher us to some sort of theocratic state.

This section begins with chapter 7, “A Company Town.” This is the study of Redding, California, which is the home of Bethel Chapel, one of the largest megachurches in America. The church has achieved a great amount of influence in Redding, to the point that people must be careful of what they say and to whom they say it. Hardy also faults an overenthusiastic Christian healing ministry in Redding, were volunteer laypersons at times barge into medical facilities uninvited (Personally, I would rather have to deal with that problem, which is easy to fix, than with the problem of not having enough volunteers to minister at hospitals). Hardy’s complaints in this case seems exaggerated and trivial.

Chapter 8 is entitled, “Fully cursed and abundantly blessed.” In a fascinating section, it describes an Islamic denomination that has adopted many Pentecostal practices, such as tithing, ecstatic states of worship, and a modified Islamic prosperity gospel. The denomination goes under the acronym NASAFAT and has many branches in West Africa and the US. This chapter then turns to the Church in Nigeria, where it is flourishing. Many churches are extremely influential in Nigeria and provide all sorts of services including dating for singles, Christian schools, etc. to a degree not known in the United States.

A point of sadness. Hardy notes that friction between Christians and Muslims are high in Nigeria and believes that Nigeria may be very close to civil war. She believes a major contributing factor is the Christian spiritual warfare ideology of the “seven mountains” which attempt to control the nation (p. 190). Hardy claims that many Nigerian pastors are ex-Muslims, and rather than having great compassion for Muslims, generally act with discourtesy and nastiness towards them.

“Not your grandmother’s church,” is the title of chapter 9. The main point here is that Christians in the United States have sometimes gone overboard in combating sex trafficking by prosecuting the easy target, the soliciting “Johns.” At times their lives are ruined with felony convictions and embarrassing publicity. Hardy claims that Christian ministers often use the popularity of this type of ministry to enhance their church’s standing while avoiding the very serious issue of the semi-slavery of many Asian immigrants in nail polishing shops, dishwashers, etc. All of this is related to the attempt to prove that Pentecostals are molding secular power and laws for their seven mountain campaigns without much discernment. I found this chapter unconvincing and the least satisfactory of the book.

To the contrary, the new Pentecostal pastors and lay leaders are intolerant of shamans and their practices. Unfortunately, as Pentecostals increase in numbers and political power, this can lead to mob action, violence and even murder. Hardy amply documents this and shows a similar pattern in Brazil. Certainly, those actions are wrong, unbiblical, and sinful. Again, the author relates these actions to seven mountain theology.

Hardy assumes that the traditional Catholic approach is the correct one. I believe her position is erroneous and spiritually destructive as it leaves the demonic activity and its realms unchallenged. Part of her confusion is that her immersion style reporting opened her to demonic influences. She recounts how after an interview with a Mayan shaman: “We lit candles from a small flame pit and prayed to each of the four energies as we turned in each direction. Ramulu [the shaman] gave Mother Nature an offering of palm tree and asked for her blessings” (p. 218).

The proper New Testament response to witchcraft and shamanism is outlined in Acts 13: 8-12, where Paul disables a sorcerer, but does not permanently harm him. Tragically this has not been appropriated by Christians as something possible in the post-Apostolic age, so this effective tool has been used only infrequently in Church history.[2]

Hardy links the negative and hostile actions of Pentecostals towards non-Christians to dominion theology, which is perhaps an overreach, as that type of theological sophistication is unlikely in the Mayan areas. Also, there is problem in that she doesn’t really understand the demonic dangers and energies of shamanistic worship and objects.

Chapter 11 is entitled, “We ain’t going round that mountain another seven years.” This deals with the fact that many Pentecostal congregation are gravitating to right-wing and populist, identity politics. She finds this especially dangerous for the future of Christian witness and the Church universal. Only time will tell whether her fears are prophecy or hysteria.

In summary, Beyond Belief is an extremely informative, but flawed book, full of eye-popping accounts of congregations in all parts of the world doing church enthusiastically, if not always with true discernment.

Reviewed by William De Arteaga

Publisher’s page: www.HurstPublishers.com/book/beyond-belief/

Notes

[1] On this issue see my book Quenching the Spirit (Lake Mary: Creation House, 1996), chapter 15. [Editor’s note: see the review by Mike Dies]

[2] See my essay, “The Ministry of command Disablement,’ in: William De Arteaga, Battling the Demonic (2023). [Editor’s note: see the review by Anders Litzell]

In Grassroots Pentecostalism in Brazil and the United States: Migrations, Missions, and Mobility, Dr. Paul J. Palma presents a history of the major Pentecostal movements in Brazil, beginning with how immigrants to the United States who encountered Pentecost took the full gospel message to Brazil, how the denominations were established and how they grew and adapted over time, and how these movements in Brazil then proceeded to reach out beyond their Latin American borders in reverse missions to North America and Europe.

The book consists of ten chapter comprising two major sections: “Classical Pentecostalism in Transnational Perspective,” and “Classical Pentecostalism and Mobility: Challenges and Prospects.” The first part deals with the history of the founding and expansion of Brazilian Pentecostal groups, while the second part deals with contemporary challenges facing the denominations profiled in this book.

In the third chapter, Palma discusses the founding and early growth of Pentecostal bodies in Brazil. Initially, Pentecost in Brazil was concentrated among European and U.S. immigrants to the nation. Later migrations of rural Brazilians to the cities for work brought Portuguese speakers into contact with the Pentecostal churches made up primarily of immigrants from other countries. Both groups being “outsiders” often led to solidarity based on the lived experience of migration, whether across or within national borders. Palma notes that “Pentecostalism supplied a ‘common language,’ holding out to the displaced agrarian migrant the promise of solidarity and belonging” (68). In contrast to the missions outreaches of mainline Protestant denominations, which focused on spreading North American versions of Christianity among the lower-middle class of Brazil, the Pentecostal groups “came to be religious-social phenomena by, of, and among the poor, literally a Brazilian religion of the Brazilian migrant poor” (82).

In the fifth chapter, Palma discusses the growth of Brazilian Pentecostalism beyond the urban and rural poor into “reverse missions,” where the country that was once the recipient of missions efforts ends up sending missionaries back to the countries that previously sent them workers. By 2007, Brazil was sending out more foreign missionaries than Britain or Canada (105). Both the Italian-rooted Christian Assemblies and Christian Congregations, and the Brazilian Assembleia de Deus (Assemblies of God, hereafter AD) founded by Swedes Vingren and Berg, now have congregations in the United States, from which their founders left to minister in Brazil. Just as these group started in Brazil by working among Italian and Swedish immigrants to that country, their U.S. branches started out ministering to Brazilians who had migrated to the States for economic reasons. One church in San Jose, California, that traces its roots to the Brazilian AD (but is independent from that organization) has even planted a church in Santa Catarina in Brazil, adding another half-circle to the missions movement that had already gone full-circle (118).

Part II of the book begins with chapter six, which discusses various aspects of church growth in Brazilian Pentecostalism. In the first half of the twentieth century, the Italian-founded Christian Congregations and the Swedish-founded Assemblies of God followed fairly parallel growth trajectories. After that, however, the CC’s growth rate plateaued, while the AD’s growth curve climbed steeply upward (though it is noted that the AD has seen a decline in membership of over two million members between 2010 and 2015). This chapter dives deep into various factors that contributed to these varying growth patterns, and careful readers will be on the lookout for how those issues may impact the growth or decline of their own church bodies. Special attention is given to the role that the move to autochthonous leadership had on church growth, with the groups that more readily handed leadership over to Brazilian nationals experiencing faster growth.

The seventh chapter takes a look at various forms of church polity in Pentecostal groups in both Brazil and in the United States. The Christian Congregations churches have held steadfastly to a model of unpaid, volunteer clergy. “Except for assistance with missionary travel expenses, ministerial office holders and other administrative personnel are expected to sustain themselves fiscally through their own means” (152). This seems very much in line with what I have heard about the early Pentecostal church planters in the United States, who were generally bivocational. The Brazilian Assemblies of God, on the other hand, has a much more episcopal structure, with authority centralized in the office of the pastor-presidente, who at times exercises authority at the level of a “Pentecostal pope” (158). Palma also discusses some of the differences between how Pentecostal groups incorporate ideas from liberation theology in their work with the poor and the presentation of those in classical Roman Catholic liberation thought.

Chapter nine touches on issues of holiness ethic, separatism, and political involvement. Holiness codes tend to be stricter in rural, less affluent areas, while a bit more latitude is shown among the economically prosperous and believers in urban spaces. Politically, while Catholics and mainline Protestants have become less politically involved in Brazil over time, Pentecostals— especially within the AD— have moved in the opposite direction, in contrast to the early apoliticism of Pentecostal groups in the country: one third of the thirty Protestants elected to the national congress in 1994 were members of the AD. Palma foreshadows the involvement of Pentecostals in the country’s 2022 presidential election, a fact that has been borne out in news reports after the publication of this book. Pentecostals were also reportedly involved in the violent protests in the capital, Brasilia, on January 8, 2023, that eerily echoed facets of the January 6, 2021 events in Washington, D.C. (which saw many neo-pentecostals active in rallies in the weeks just before that event).

In his concluding tenth chapter, Palma summarizes how the different ethnic backgrounds of the founders of Pentecostalism in southern (Italian) and northern (Swedish) Brazil impacted the polity, practices, and politics of the groups they established, yet this ethnic factor is often overlooked. However, despite their origins being traced to European-American immigrants, the CA, CC, and AD movements today are all undoubtedly Brazilian in character. Considering the reverse missions from Brazil to North America and Europe, Palma notes that “the story of Brazilian classical Pentecostalism illustrates the vibrant multidirectional character of twenty-first-century Christianity” seen in many parts of the world (235).

Anyone interested in the development of Pentecostal churches around the world will find this book to provide significant insights into the largest Spirit-filled movement within the borders of a single country today. Knowing where Pentecostalism has come from is vital for those doing Pentecostal church work today, as the roots of a movement, while not exhaustively deterministic of its future, do continue to exert influence. In addition, seeing where other groups may have taken missteps that hampered the mission of the church can help contemporary workers to be on guard against similar errors.

Reviewed by Brian Roden