Prosperity Gospel in Zambia: The Problems of Engaging African Theology Using English
The contributors to this work implicitly, but not explicitly, recognise that prosperity teaching points to a failure in communication on the part of the West. Westerners after all typically enjoy greater levels of prosperity than do Africans (Togarasei 119). The West is frustrated by the failure of the prescriptions it has given to enable Africa to ‘develop’. An underlying reason for that failure is that the West intends to communicate only through means understood by those who have a modern and therefore Western worldview. Because Zambians typically do not have a Western worldview, what is intended is not what Zambians hear.
Africans use prosperity teaching to endeavour to achieve prosperity. This seems wrong to Westerners.
“Poverty is [in Zambian minds] linked to African traditional ‘things’,” Togarasei tells us (119). Zambian people realise that modernity is associated with prosperity, but most of them do not (and cannot) recognise the detailed mechanisms that Westerners use to produce that prosperity. Yes, prosperity sermons can be inspiring (Togarasei 122). To Africans, that may be ‘all that there is’. Westerners however realise that such sermons represent a failure at grasping Western dualism. This will continue to be frustrating to those Westerners who want African people to learn to produce wealth as the West does.
Ellington tells us that Zambian “people face poverty and sickness beyond what much of the world has ever seen” (29). One wonders – is Zambia the poorest country in the world? The author seems not to have realised how much Africa has advanced in the last century. Zambian people now drive cars, wear glasses, read books, put on clothes and shoes, watch TVs, build houses out of bricks, communicate by phone; and many more things that were absent before the advent of Christian mission. Some might see Zambians as ‘poorer than ever’. Zambians are themselves more likely to perceive that they are on the up and up! They want to make sure that trend continues. For Zambians, “Christianity and modernity seem to be a package deal” (97), Kroesbergen-Kamps rightly observes. Although reminiscent of the cargo cults, the prosperity gospel is for many African people means to continue that upward movement.
In Zambia, Pentecostalism has been tied to prosperity teaching and is therefore seen as the clean way of getting rich. If it is God who legitimately gets you rich, then if someone has gotten rich without God, he is suspected of using alternative means. Those alternative means, in Zambia, are considered part of Satanism or witchcraft. Hence the negation of Pentecostalism, or getting rich without God, means Satan has got you rich, which is wealth that has come by sacrificing to demons.
Continuing to engage African theology using English, as this book tries to do, may be a distraction from the important task of doing truly African research.